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When slavery enters the American consciousness--all too rarely,
unfortunately--it does so with a decidedly Southern tilt. Slavery is an
old white "massa," looking something like Colonel Sanders, rocking
gently on the porch of a broad plantation home, drink in hand. It is a
group of slaves bent over at the waist in the fields, singing about
sweet chariots to ease the boredom of cotton picking. Or perhaps, it is
a plump mammy waiting on her master's family, trying to avoid the fierce
stares of jealousy and anger aimed in her direction by the master's
white wife, furious about her curiously light-skinned slave newborn.
Whether condemned as an inhuman generator of brutal whippings and rapes
or--in the unreconstructed Confederate version--upheld as the benevolent
caretaker of contented sambos, slavery remains a quintessentially
Southern institution. To be sure, a fleeting image of Northern slavery
sometimes impinges on this Southern view. But slavery in the North seems
an anomaly: a few slaves scattered here and there, all freed at some
point, presumably after the Revolution.
The impressive slavery exhibit currently on display at the New York
Historical Society alters this consciousness. It reveals the centrality
of slavery to the history of our nation's largest city. Slavery was no
mere sideshow but an edifice so strong that it took twenty years before
the egalitarian ideology of the American Revolution could even begin to
chip away at it. When emancipation finally came, it did so slowly and
haltingly, so that blacks found freedom elusive even after they escaped
the official bonds of servitude. Though the exhibit is not perfect, its
few flaws do not subvert its mission. Its graceful integration of
multimedia, primary documents and artistic presentation represents an
important stride toward an honest view of the universality of slavery in
American history.
Though few realize it today, slaves literally built New York. In 1627,
the Dutch West India Company sent a dozen or so slaves to Manhattan, in
what was then the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam, to contribute their
hard labor to the construction of basic infrastructure. Slaves built
docks, roads and a network of forts to protect the growing port. They
also built a wall across the island, which served as the inspiration for
the name of the road that eventually traced its path. In a very real
sense, then, even Wall Street owes its origins to slavery.
By
1664, when the English drove out the Dutch, the newly renamed colony of
New York had 800 slaves, more than all of Virginia. By 1705, 42 percent
of city households held slaves, and though the numbers fluctuated
throughout the nineteenth century, at certain times up to 20 percent of
the city’s population was enslaved. Only in Charleston, South Carolina,
did slavery play a larger role in urban life. And servitude in New York
was not fully abolished until 1827--two hundred years after it began. Do
the math: black New Yorkers have known slavery longer than they have
known freedom.
Inspiring multimedia presentations throughout the exhibit help bring
this reality to life. One gallery, for example, illustrates a central
truth of slavery: that the labor of enslaved black workers made many
people extremely rich. As an informative chart shows, in 1700, for
instance, a slave could be bought for £5.21 (about $354 today) and sold
in New York for £23.6, a nifty 400 percent markup. A flat-panel TV
screen mimics a CNBC-type financial ticker, but instead of noting the
latest Microsoft or WalMart stock prices, it tracks the arrival of one
slave ship after another, reporting the number of human cargo, and lists
some of the many occupations practiced by enslaved laborers (everything
from farming to ironworking to sailing).
The story of slavery is more than an economic one, of course. One dark
facet of the human side emerges from a surprising source: a reproduction
of the seemingly bland logbook of Captain Peter James, who traded in
West Africa from 1748-49. The book is mainly dry tables of products
(including human "goods") bought and sold, but also suggests the tragedy
of the middle passage. Slave merchants, the exhibit reveals, expected to
lose about 15 percent of their "cargo" on the journey: collectively over
a million dead men, women and children pitched into the ocean to rest at
the bottom of the Atlantic Ocean.
The overwhelming terror of slavery did not stop slaves from resisting
their fate. Major slave rebellions occurred in 1712 and 1741, followed
by increasingly restrictive slave laws. Many slaves also ran away, and
visitors can examine a number of advertisements seeking return of
escaped bondsmen. In one of the coolest features of the exhibit,
visitors can peek into a well and see in a video projection a reflection
in the water of a group of slave women discussing--in carefully hushed
tone--a number of potentially subversive topics: rumors, opinions of
masters and fellow slaves, and the like. As the exhibit notes, "There
were two New Yorks, one public and one secret," and the creation of that
secret New York gave slaves something that was their own. Not all
resistance to slavery took the overt forms of rebellion or escape.
All in all, these sections of the exhibit are beautifully designed and
very informative. Some visitors may find one feature somewhat
aggravating, however. Instead of providing a structured narrative with a
detailed story spelled out as you walk along, the exhibit focuses on
individual primary sources (such as particular artifacts, laws,
documents) and multimedia exhibits. In many ways this is a good
thing--it forces you to really engage with the material rather than
passively digesting it. Yet it can be difficult to follow at times,
especially because the various audio and video aspects of the exhibit
often create a cacophony of voices that make reading eighteenth-century
newspaper articles a challenging task.
Furthermore, there is very little detail on the actual lives of slaves
in seventeenth and eighteenth century New York. We get a few
impressionistic portrayals--reports of disease, a few sculptures of
slaves at work--but visitors who want more depth will have to consult
some of the detailed portrayals of individuals that can be found in
various folders and books placed discretely in corners of the exhibit.
Luckily, the second part of the exhibit, which details the long, winding
path to freedom, suffers from neither of these problems.
The strong words of the Declaration of Independence, trumpeting the
equality of all men, sounded to many like the call of freedom. Yet,
slaves soon discovered that the only sure way to earn their freedom
during the Revolutionary War was to flee to British lines. 10,000 slaves
came to New York City--a center of British military presence--and many
followed the war's losers to Canada in 1783, realizing that slave-owning
statesmen mouthing the words of liberty could not be trusted to deliver
the real thing.
The NYHS shines in its portrayal of the difficult struggle for freedom
in the new republic. Despite the efforts of slaves and a few antislavery
whites (including Alexander Hamilton), it wasn't until 1799 that the New
York legislature finally passed an emancipation law. Worse, this law did
not actually free anyone. It was instead a plan for gradual
emancipation. Slave women born after 1799 would gain their freedom only
after 25 years of indentured servitude, while men born to enslaved
parents would not be free until their 28th birthday. Those who were
already enslaved would presumably remain that way until their death. In
a later amendment, the legislature aimed to end this injustice once and
for all, promising universal emancipation by 1827 (In fact, as late as
1840, four unlucky men somehow remained enslaved in New York State,
despite emancipation). But until then, black Americans remained trapped
in what the exhibit calls the "Danger Zone." With freedom in the air,
the number of free blacks grew steadily, yet the dangers of slavery
remained.
A
set of audio recordings illustrates the continued uncertainty of black
life in the early 1800s. With freedom now an inevitability, communities
and courts increasingly protected the limited rights of enslaved blacks.
In 1809, for instance, a court found Amos Broad guilty of repeatedly
mistreating his slaves, including scalding them with boiling water. The
court forced him to grant them their freedom. The realities of slavery
continued for many others. Unfortunately, another recording shares the
diary of a slave-owning mistress who congratulated herself for
"educating" her slave through vicious punishment. A horizon of
emancipation did not spare slaves from such brutal "instruction."
Nonetheless, on July 4, 1827--51 years to the day after the Declaration
of Independence declared all men free--complete emancipation in New York
finally arrived. The exhibit ends with an animated depiction of an
Emancipation Day gathering, complete with the words of Reverend William
Hamilton condemning slavery and welcoming its demise. The joy of freedom
is palpable, but one also senses a tinge of apprehension. For even in
freedom, the exhibit shows, blacks faced continuing obstacles. The same
laws that opened the vote to all white men in the 1820s maintained
property qualifications for blacks that were so high that in 1826 voting
rolls counted only 16 blacks in all of New York county. Increasing
immigration from Europe, meanwhile, threatened the few jobs open to
blacks, and the 1820s also saw the rise of a biological defense of
racism.
In
revealing the true extent of slavery in New York, the NYHS has already
done the public a great service. Yet, by ending in 1827, this exhibit
leaves the visitor alone to ponder the present-day implications of this
sad history. Some of slavery's lingering effects presumably will be
fleshed out in a sequel planned for 2006-07 at the NYHS, entitled
"Commerce and Conscience: New York, Slavery, and the Civil War."
Hopefully, this will explore New York City's extensive links to Southern
(i.e. slave-produced) cotton, the city's reluctance to support the Civil
War (in 1860, Mayor Fernando Wood argued that should the South secede,
New York City should break away from the union to form an independent
city state that could continue to trade with the Confederacy) and the
1863 draft riots in which aggrieved Irish workers protesting the Civil
War draft fomented the bloodiest urban riots in American history,
killing more than 100 blacks and abolitionist-minded whites.
Running through these and many other events is the insidious current of
racism, a powerful enduring force whose origins the exhibit
unfortunately largely ignores. For many years, historians have debated
the origins of racism in America. Did racism lead to slavery, or did
slavery create racism? As scholars such as Edmund Morgan and Ira Berlin
have shown, in the early 1600s, black and white workers played, worked,
and even slept together on a regular basis. Not until slavery became
more institutionalized did this cross-color collaboration disappear.
While other historians, Winthrop Jordan most prominent among them, have
argued that prejudice against Africans was a longstanding European trait
that predated slavery, it seems clear that much of the racism that still
exists in this country is a direct result of institutions and ideas
created by slavery itself. Examining this debate in the context of New
York would show that racism is not a timeless human trait, but a
socially-constructed one, and that the legacy of slavery is thus what we
make it. As the struggle to deal with this legacy continues. As the
exhibit says of one black family: "Slavery might end, but would they
ever escape its shadow?" We may only hope that a true understanding of
the past, one that illuminates the tragic lives of slaves even as it
promotes their dreams for freedom, may enable America to step finally
into the sunlight.
--
*Craig
Steven Wilder, "A Covenant with Color: Race and Social Power in
Brooklyn" (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 19.
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