Liberator 5.1
Liberia: A New World Order.
words: Melvin Barrolle
 

Such thunderous applause for democratic elections in Liberia can only be received with derisive laughter. Imagine, the West, attempting to instruct Africa on the virtues of democracy. Surely, they would at least see fit to support their condescending praise with actual proof of their own flourishing democracies. To be sure, if the forms of government resident in the Western world represent the ideal then human civilization has murky horizons. Fascism threatens the United States, Russia verges on totalitarian rule, and we continue to witness the perversion of socialism in Germany, Great Britain and France. Undeterred, their ideological ambassadors continue to propagate claims of political and moral superiority, imploring two-thirds of the world to catch up.

This type of exuded confidence, however unjustified, can be contagious. Indeed, for the ex-slaves and freedmen in North America who set shore for Liberia in the early 19^th century, it was thought true liberty could best be achieved by emulation. Thus, the freed persons, ex-slaves, missionaries and entrepreneurs that made the compose of black emigrants believed it their mission to introduce elements of civilization to a vast population of “degraded subjects”—the indigenous groups already occupying the region. This civilizing mission of course meant the establishment of a nation-state.

Originally the brainchild of the American Colonization Society (ACS), Liberia was conceived in 1821 by a mixture of politicians, Quakers, abolitionists, and slave owners. The ACS, though projecting altruistic motives, were spurred more so by concern of African vigilantism (uprisings). For the first couple of decades, their role mirrored colonial rule, presiding over the economic and political affairs of the bourgeoning country. By 1847, the ACS relinquished its control of the country and Liberia became the first black independent republic.

Much ink has been spilled on the policies of the emigrants who came to be referred as Americo-Liberians. Their “civilizing” ambitions subjected the indigenous groups to maltreatment similar to what they had fled in the U.S. The Faustian bargain with Firestone Rubber Company by the Americo-Liberians cemented their economic dominance while ensuring exploitation of the indigenous groups.  Consequently, the country would implode in bloody civil conflict in the 1980s when Samuel Doe, a semiliterate army sergeant hailing from the Krahn ethnic group, led a coup toppling then President William Tolbert’s rule and effectively bringing an end to Americo-Liberian control. Soon after, Liberia would plunge into intermittent warfare with a series of attempted coups until Charles Taylor—an Americo-Liberian who took power himself in a coup— won elected office in 1997. Expectations of stability were doused by splintering factions within his National Party (NP) who accused him of foul play. Taylor would resort to an iron fist to secure his rule. Militias sprouted up from the countryside, marching towards the capital, Monrovia, bent on disposing him. The atrocities that would characterize the period—gang rapes, abductions, conscription of child soldiers—persisted until UN intervention in 2004.

UN troop presence brought relative peace to the country and this past year Liberia held its first election since 1997. The President elect, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, is the first women to hold such a position in the country, and the continent at-large. Intriguingly, her own past harks back to Americo-Liberian roots. She has come in promising economic reform, education, and development of public works. The fanfare that has accompanied her appointment can be attributed to a war-exhausted population. Her election has certainly brought a resuscitated hope for change. Yet, while everything seems bright, we must keep in mind that what Johnson-Sirleaf in inheriting calls for solemn reflection.

While the U.N. intervention of the civil war prompted celebration, the transitional government’s reign, led by UNMIL (UN Mission in Liberia), had a seamier side. Indeed the celebration may turn out to have been premature. For starters, although the face of the transitional government was Liberian businessman, Gyude Bryant, in real terms, he held little power. Rather, as African Confidential has reported, Jacques Paul Klein, a former advisor to the US military command in Europe, controlled almost all monetary matters and decision-making. This subsequently led to a flurry of backroom deals that will certainly have deep implications for Johnson-Sirleaf’s period in office. Prominent among them is the Economic Governance Action Plan (EGAP) which gives a multi-lateral external body (UN, EU, ECOWAS, U.S., IMF and World Bank) power to veto economic policies, award contracts, and “exercise strict control over all government money for a period of three years.” Many critics have stated that this impinges Liberia’s sovereignty.

Already, a crucial deal was made six months before elections that awarded a diamond contract to a French company, essentially delivering a ten-year monopoly on Liberian diamond production. Add to this UN sanctions on crucial minerals such as timber, and we can reasonably forecast that Johnson-Sirleaf will be hard-pressed in procuring capital for the country. Lest we mention, AK-47’s, relics of the tumultuous Cold War era, litter the region, seducing jobless and ambitiously exhausted youths to contract with militia forces for subsistence. The challenges awaiting Johnson-Sirleaf will surely test her will, ingenuity and sincere trust in the faculties of the people she’s been selected to lead.

To be sure, these daunting challenges will heavily determine the promise of President Johnson-Sirleaf’s tenure. But, it is important to note that there are deeper, more incisive issues that demand our attention. We must not put cosmetic covering over the blemishes of the country. The nation-state in Africa has undeniably failed the continent. Liberia’s bloody past stands as a testament to such. Those who subscribe almost religiously to its existence, presume the “political” is inevitable. By that, I mean the idea that “authority” is concentrated in a figure, or a number of figures (i.e. party), because of preordained or achieved gifts that distinguish him/her (or them) from the masses of people which rationalizes their rule. Stratification of a society is then perceived as inevitable and the exploitation of many is seen as unjust yet unavoidable. Such logic can be found in the musings of Plato, Aristotle, Hegel, Hobbes, Jefferson, Churchill and so forth. What binds them ideologically is the conviction that democracy in its truest form is anarchy. Regrettably, their “projects” have not bore fruit seeing the great “empires” have all featured chronic wars, poverty and enslavement (including the United States).  

While these ideational systems were impressed on Africa during Europe’s brief colonial period, the pre-colonial past continues to lurk promisingly for those brave enough to embrace it. Not that a full return to the past is feasible. Yet, the idea that mass participation is the surest path to an egalitarian society should resonate loudly since it remains deep within the fiber of the African continent. Arbitrary borders constructed during colonial rule must be redressed. And, most importantly, those neo-colonial hands that are still deep within their former colonies must be amputated. That’ll likely begin with the recent indictment of Firestone by the Liberian populace for its brutal exploitation and unfulfilled promises in wages and living conditions. President Johnson-Sirleaf will be trialed by the populace to see if she throws her support behind the lawsuit.  She must demonstrate intolerance for the corporations who leech on third-world economies unimpeded by government regulations.

The political landscape of the 21^st century thus far has trembled with popular movements. Mass movements in South America have birthed charismatic, socialist leaders like Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales. It rid Spain of its American puppet Jose Maria Aznar. It continues to significantly influence Central Asian and Eastern European states, grinding exclusionary political processes to a halt. Thus, President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf should definitely take heed of this trend. It is of high irony that President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, and Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni all rode a wave of optimism in their elections (along with effusive praise from the West), waxing democratic rhetoric and incremental economic reform, only to now be embroiled in political crises. Unfortunately, they felt secure enough in their privilege to disregard their constituents. Their likely demise speaks volumes. If it suggests anything, it is, the people united will never be defeated…not even by charismatic figures.